In his interview with the BBC on Sunday, Starmer said backbenchers should support the policy because “every Labour MP was elected in on the same mandate as I was, which was to deliver the change that we need for the country”. But that description elides important detail about the policy’s genesis. “The argument the whips will make is that this is part of the government’s biggest priority of sorting out the economy,” Jessica said. “They’ll say that it’s very serious to go against a policy that was in the king’s speech, which makes it a confidence vote on the Labour programme for government. The reason that’s difficult to accept for the median Labour MP is that it was not in the manifesto, so they weren’t elected on it. There’s been no ‘pitch rolling’ to prepare the ground with the public. The Times suggests (£) that more than 30 MPs are expected to rebel; the FT (£) and the Guardian both hear from MPs that the number could be smaller, but that dozens may abstain. 17 Labour MPs have already signed a parliamentary early day motion calling for an impact assessment on the plan before it is implemented, but only four raised objections in questions to Reeves last night. “I think if the whips can confine the rebellion to the usual suspects, they would see that as a win,” Jessica said. “But if it gets bigger than that, and if a significant number of new MPs cross the line despite coming under a lot of pressure not to, that would be a very bad day for them.” Will the rebels be punished? It appears likely that anyone who votes against the government will lose the party whip, in line with the precedent established by the two-child benefit cap vote. “They had a choice then about whether to let people quietly get away with a rebellion by only making it a one-line whip, or make it as painful as possible to show your strength and maintain discipline,” Jessica said. “They have definitely shown that they’re taking the latter approach.” Another question is whether abstention will be treated as a serious enough transgression to be punished – at least for those who have not been “paired” with a Tory who will also be absent. “They didn’t take any harsh action over abstentions on the two-child benefit cap vote,” Jessica said. “But refusing to vote against the Tories would not be seen favourably at all. So it’s possible that it will be different this time.” Is a compromise possible? It might be possible to raise the point at which the winter fuel payment is removed for pensioners – but the government argues that doing that will make it much less effective as a saving. “By setting the limit to those who receive pension credit, they make it simple to administer,” said Jessica. “They will say that including more people will mean another layer of complication and cost.” In any case, there is little chance that the government will be willing to back down on anything substantive when it has already made the issue a test of strength. There are other steps the government could take to keep wavering MPs on side – for example, a social tariff for energy bills to keep costs down for those who are worse off, or extending eligibility for the warm homes discount, which is worth £150 per household. T hose measures are not focused specifically on pensioners, but because they can be separated from the current row, they might be more likely to be accepted. There has been little sign, though, that the government is minded to try to woo those who go against it – and any new social tariff would take time to bring in anyhow. “It seems much more carrot than stick, which is perhaps surprising,” Jessica said. “There’s no sense that the government is bringing in MPs and rubbing their bellies, asking them how they can make it all right. That might mean that the government comes out of this looking stronger – but in the worst case, they could have a decision to make on whether to suspend the whip for 30 more MPs. That would be an extraordinary position to be in.” |