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Thursday
January 6, 2022

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Good morning and happy Epiphany from Timothy Noah!

A secular anniversary weighs more heavily on political minds, this being the first anniversary of the deadly 2021 insurrection on Capitol Hill. For 187 minutes, as Liz Cheney likes to say, not even Sean Hannity could persuade Donald Trump to tell his supporters to quit brutalizing cops, trashing the Capitol, threatening to lynch Nancy Pelosi and Mike Pence—and go home. For those who still insist on calling it a lark, more than 140 police were injured and five people died, including Capitol Police Officer Brian Sicknick.

In The Washington Post, Ashley Parker, Amy Gardner, and Josh Dawsey report, “At least 163 Republicans who have embraced Trump’s false claims are running for statewide positions that would give them authority over the administration of elections.” Among them are 69 gubernatorial candidates in 30 states and 18 candidates for secretary of state in states where that position makes you the top election official. “The lies that fueled the riot,” writes Chris Megerian in Los Angeles Times, “remain deeply embedded in American politics.”

According to federal prosecutors
, a New Hampshire postal worker named Jason Riddle admitted to looting the Capitol last January 6 (he said he pinched a bottle of wine and a book bound in reddish-brown leather that he later sold for $40). Now, he’d like your vote for Congress. Seriously. Riddle is one of five people spotted among the mob at the Capitol that day who are now running for the House of Representatives. If sentenced, Riddle told the Post, he’ll run from jail: “It will give me something to do.” Politico estimates that over the past year at least 11 January 6–insurrectionists “were elected to offices ranging from state legislature to city council to school board.”

The best January 6 op-ed today is by the author and Columbia law professor Jedediah Britton-Purdy in The New York Times. “The arcane scheme that Mr. Trump’s lawyers hatched to disrupt congressional certification of the vote and perhaps persuade Republican state legislatures to overturn Joe Biden’s victory in states like Pennsylvania,” Britton-Purdy writes, “was conceivable only because the Electoral College splinters presidential elections into separate contests in each of the 50 states and the District of Columbia[.]” If we selected presidents by popular vote, “Biden’s thumping margin of more than seven million votes would have been the last word.” Amen.

Russia sent paratroopers into Kazakhstan to restore order “after the city hall in Almaty, the country’s largest city, was set ablaze, and the airport was overrun by an angry mob,” reports The New York Times. The troops are part of the Collective Security Treaty Organization, or CSTO, Russia’s answer to NATO. CSTO members include Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan. CSTO has never before invoked its protection clause. The Guardian refers to it as a Moscow peacekeeping mission, with “peacekeeping” pointedly in quotes. “Kazakhstan has never held an election judged as free and fair by international observers,” write The Guardian’s Shaun Walker and Naubet Bisenov. “While it is clear there is widespread discontent, the cleansing of the political playing field over many years means there are no high-profile opposition figures around which a protest movement could unite, and the protests appear largely directionless.”

At NewRepublic.com, Walter Shapiro writes that, growing up before Vietnam and the turmoil of the 1960s, “I never could have imagined that the struggle to preserve democracy would prove to be the transcendent cause of my lifetime.” Grace Segers, who was at the Capitol a year ago today, recalls being evacuated from the Senate chamber and running “like mice scurrying through a maze” in the tunnels underneath the Capitol, trying “to stick with the senators, because they were certain to be protected.” And Kathryn Joyce reports on the conservative vogue for reactionary nationalism, which draws inspiration from Christian theocratic movements in Hungary and Poland and bears associations with 1930s fascism that its adherents just can’t seem to shake.

Please make it stop,
—Timothy Noah, staff writer
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Morning quiz:
Yesterday’s political history question: President Lyndon Johnson had two attorneys general, and both made for a pretty stark contrast with Merrick Garland in the vigor with which they fought for civil rights.

Answer:
The twoattorneys generalthat Johnson namedto the post were Nicholas Katzenbach and Ramsey Clark. But Johnson actually had three attorneys general when you include Robert F. Kennedy, who remained attorney general for nine months after his brother, President John F. Kennedy, was assassinated. Then he ran successfully for the Senate from New York. RFK, of course, was himself no mean champion of civil rights.

Johnson and Kennedy had an epic loathing for each other (Jeff Shesol wrote a whole riveting book about it), so LBJ would be deeply gratified to learn that that Tomasky guy inadvertently omitted Kennedy from the original question.

Today’s political history question: On three occasions during the twentieth century, people set off bombs inside the Capitol. When and where were these bombs detonated?

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Today’s must reads:
In the quest to unify American conservatism’s fragmented ranks, a right-wing vanguard is looking to Hungary and Poland for inspiration.
by Kathryn Joyce
Democrats are pressing forward on measures intended to counter the GOP’s push for voter suppression, pledging to vote on a Senate rules change in the near future.
by Grace Segers
January 6 was the biggest shock to our republic since JFK’s assassination—and in many ways, much more frightening.
by Walter Shapiro
Why do the Transcendentalists still have an outsize influence on American culture?
by Sarah Blackwood
Biden’s crackdown on Big Meat aims to increase competition to bring prices down. But cheap meat depends on ignoring the product’s true cost.
by Jan Dutkiewicz and Gabriel N. Rosenberg
Those of us who were working at the Capitol that day don’t yet bear scars because we’re nowhere close to healing.
by Grace Segers
The chief justice’s veiled end-of-year remarks seem to indicate that if the high court cannot reform itself, reform will be forced upon it.
by Matt Ford
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