| Bold progress | | | Benin’s choice | In 2021, the West African country of Benin amended its abortion laws to allow voluntary termination of pregnancy “upon the request of the pregnant woman.” According to Ramatou Ouedraogo, associate research scientist at the African Population and Health Research Center in Nairobi, the law in Benin was changed “mainly to protect and save the lives of women.” The Ministry of Health estimates that 15% of maternal deaths in the country result from unsafe abortions. With this legislation, Benin joins a handful of countries on the continent with similar legislation, including Cape Verde, Mozambique, South Africa and Tunisia. |
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| | Sierra Leone and Liberia’s liberalization | Sierra Leone has also recently taken a giant leap forward in liberalizing its abortion laws. President Julius Maada Bio announced in June that his cabinet had unanimously backed a bill to expand access to abortion. Seemingly referencing the overturning of Roe v. Wade, Bio stated: “At a time when sexual and reproductive health rights for women are either being overturned or threatened, we are proud that Sierra Leone can once again lead with progressive reforms.” Liberia’s lawmakers too have set in motion a bill that, if passed, will expand access to abortion. In the last three decades, much of Africa has seen a slow and steady progress toward the liberalization of abortion laws. |
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| | What Roe v. Wade did for Africa | Nine months after the Roe v. Wade decision in 1973, Tunisia became the first African country to liberalize its abortion laws, making abortion available to all women without marital consent. In 1986, Cape Verde allowed abortion prior to 12 weeks of gestation. And on Dec. 11, 1996, South Africa enacted the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act, which gave women of any age or marital status access to abortion services upon request. |
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| | Pill revolution | Although many sub-Saharan countries do not have laws that allow for abortion on request, Marion Stevens, founder of the Sexual and Reproductive Justice Coalition (SRJC), told OZY that in many countries accessibility to abortion pills has proven a game changer. In Zambia, where abortion is legal only for socio-economic reasons, Stevens said they have “three generic abortion drugs registered and there has been significant training of pharmacists to do over-the-counter provision of medical abortion.” According to Stevens, many feminist groups such as the Mobilizing Activists around Medical Abortion (MAMA) network are “leapfrogging the laws” in sub-Saharan Africa. They are “following WHO guidelines and organizing the distribution of abortion pills and counseling online,” Stevens said, directly reaching affected communities of women who aren’t protected by the laws of their nations. |
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| The other reality | | | Right to life in Nigeria? | Next to Benin is Nigeria, whose laws are now in stark contrast to its neighbor. Punitive prison sentences hang over Nigerian doctors or women who attempt abortions. Many in Nigeria’s nonprofit sector acknowledge the restrictions on abortion are largely due to political fears of a religious backlash. Despite restrictive laws, it was estimated that in 2012 1.25 million induced abortions took place in Nigeria. Recently, the state of Lagos’ Health Department presented a policy document titled “Lagos State Guidelines on Safe Termination of Pregnancy for Legal Indicators.” However, the guidelines were then suspended after political pressure from religious groups. |
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| | Kenya’s dilemma | Abortion laws in Kenya are guided by the 2010 constitution, which states that life begins with conception. Like in Nigeria, doctors and women in Kenya can face incarceration for attempting an abortion. However, the law states an abortion can be performed if the “life or health” of the mother is in danger. In what has been seen as a slow liberalization, the 2017 Health Act allows the definition of “health” to include physical, mental and social well-being. But, as in much of Africa, there is a fear in Kenya that the overturning of Roe v. Wade might have a regressive impact on policy. |
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| | US Christian charity? | Another impediment to abortion laws and access are right-wing U.S. Christian interventions in Africa that spent at least $54 million between 2008 and 2018 fighting sex education, contraception, abortion and LGBT rights. Parts of sub-Saharan Africa already have some of the highest unintended pregnancy rates in the world and maternal mortality rates are often as high as 1 in 45. An Open Democracy investigation discovered that U.S.-linked anti-abortion centers were breaking South African law, which stipulates that counseling of pregnant women must be “non-directive.” Several organizations linked to the U.S. were offering misleading, false and coercive information to vulnerable women. |
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| | WATCH ELIZABETH NYAMAYARO | |
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| The case of South Africa | | | Clearly guarantee rights | Yet the U.S. has also served up valuable lessons, including through Roe v. Wade, said Professor Cathi Albertyn of Wits University in Johannesburg. Albertyn herself was at the forefront of the activism that led to South Africa’s legal liberalization of abortion laws in the 1990s. The issue with the U.S. Constitution, Albertyn told OZY, is that it “does not explicitly state the rights to abortion.” South Africa has learned that “you want an explicit constitutional protection, not one that is dependent on judicial interpretation,” she said, before adding that the U.S. example taught South African activists that “you want a national law guaranteeing those [constitutional] rights.” With these laws in place, something like “Dobbs v. Jackson does not present a legal problem for South Africa,” Albertyn said. |
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| | Legally safe? | And yet there have been attempts to overturn the abortion laws in South Africa. And there have also been two attempts by the African Christian Democratic Party to rewrite the legislation. But “Parliament has been quite stalwart in its defense of the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act,” Albertyn said. And even if Parliament did amend the act, it would have to get through the Constitutional Court which, as Albertyn said, is unlikely to act against women’s rights. |
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| | Reality bites | But all is not rosy in South Africa with regards to abortion access. Albertyn said that Dobbs v. Jackson has certainly given fuel to South Africa’s conservative forces. There has recently been a distinct rise in what are termed “anti-abortion crisis centers,” where vulnerable women are encouraged not to have abortions, she said. Meanwhile, Stevens described a lack of public sector investment in women’s reproductive health as a major challenge. “The state has given up on sexual and reproductive healthcare,” she said. As a government policy document reveals, “the public sector provides 20% of all abortions,” while an additional 26% are considered unsafe abortions. According to Stevens, “the inefficiency of the health service is a far bigger threat to reproductive justice in South Africa than the Roe v. Wade debate in America.” |
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| Community Corner | For two generations, the U.S. showed the way on abortion rights. Is it time now for American reproductive rights activists to look to other countries for inspiration? SHARE YOUR THOUGHTS |
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| ABOUT OZY OZY is a diverse, global and forward-looking media and entertainment company focused on “the New and the Next.” OZY creates space for fresh perspectives, and offers new takes on everything from news and culture to technology, business, learning and entertainment. Curiosity. Enthusiasm. Action. That’s OZY! |
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